
Italy's canon wars and Quebec's secular turn reshape education's soul
Italy's Minister of Education and Merit, Giuseppe Valditara, has chosen a combustible moment to propose the most sweeping reimagining of the country's secondary-school canon in decades, while simultaneously opening the door to erasing the century-old divide between academic licei and technical institutes. The ambition of the reform, and the passions it has ignited, were laid bare when students at the Galileo Galilei technical institute in Rome unfurled a banner declaring the minister unwelcome and found themselves shut out of their own building, backpacks left inside. That flash of direct action distils a much larger argument about who gets to decide what a nation's children should read, and why. Viewed from Rome, the Government is not merely updating a syllabus; it is attempting to redraw the cultural map of the adolescent mind, a move that always carries political risk.
The draft guidelines, crafted by a commission chaired by pedagogist Loredana Perla, read less like a sequential programme of study and more like the curated window of a grand bookshop. Dante, Petrarch and Boccaccio still anchor the origins; Machiavelli, Ariosto and Tasso build modernity; Manzoni and Leopardi occupy the heart of the nineteenth century. Yet alongside Italo Calvino, the commission proposes J.R.R. Tolkien's 'The Lord of the Rings' and Philip K. Dick's 'Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep?'. The explicit justification, offered by Valditara himself, is that certain nineteenth-century pillars—notably Manzoni's 'The Betrothed'—are simply too difficult for fifteen-year-olds. That claim has drawn sharp, incredulous replies from literary quarters, where it is seen as an abdication of rigour in favour of accessible populism. A formal consultation is now under way, including, for the first time, representatives of student councils, and the new curriculum would not enter classrooms until 2027. The structure of the canon is not being written anew, but it is being relativised, its hierarchies flattened in a manner that pleases nobody entirely.
Beyond the literature lists, Valditara is signalling a deeper structural reform: the possible overcoming of the rigid separation between licei and technical institutes. In Italian society, that division has long functioned as a class boundary, with the lyceum still bearing the prestige of a classical education and the technical school seen as a more vocational, often lesser route. Uniting the two streams holds the promise of social mobility, yet it also threatens to dilute the distinctive identity of each. The protest at the Galilei, led by a student collective that denounced the minister's 'umpteenth walkabout', suggests that many young people interpret the reform less as an embrace of their potential than as an imposition from a distant authority. The demand was not only for a different reading list but for a genuine voice in a process they see as yet another political staging ground.
A wholly different but equally ideological reshaping of the classroom is unfolding across the Atlantic. In Quebec, the implementation of Law 94, adopted last October to reinforce laïcité in the education network, is moving from principle to practice. School service centres are now cataloguing the number of staff dismissed or pushed to resign for wearing religious symbols; disruptions to childcare ratios and pupil services are feared. Analysts in Montreal detect the quiet normalisation of a new exclusion, one that treats visible religious affiliation as incompatible with the state's secular mission. Where Italy debates whether a student should encounter Stephen King alongside Dante, Quebec is deciding who is permitted to stand in front of a blackboard at all. Both jurisdictions are grappling, painfully, with the question of what a public school ought to embody in a pluralist democracy.
These parallel episodes expose a common fault line. Governments in Rome and Quebec City are straining to modernise education systems that risk becoming irrelevant to digital-native generations, yet their chosen remedies—canon relativism on one side, rigid secularism on the other—each carry the danger of fracturing the very shared cultural ground that schools are meant to cultivate. The forward-looking question is whether these projects will produce more resilient, open-minded citizens or merely deepen the mutual incomprehension between different visions of national identity. As the taunts echo outside the Galilei and the silent exodus of staff continues in Montreal, the classroom has unmistakably become the most sensitive frontier of the culture wars, a place where the past is fiercely contested and the future is being written in uncertain ink.
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